Archives d’un auteur

Interview d’Amjad Ali

21 mai 2010

Amjad Ali, un des porte-paroles du Congrès des libertés en Irak (IFC), est interviewé dans l’émission d’aujourd’hui sur Realnews (en anglais):


PAUL JAY, TRNN: Welcome to The Real News Network. I’m Paul Jay in Toronto. And in the days following the Iraqi elections, the fight over who will be prime minister continues. Now joining us to help us understand the struggle further his Amjad Ali. He’s the international representative for the Iraqi Freedom Congress. Thanks for joining us.


JAY: And you also represent a coalition of Iraqi unions abroad as well.

ALI: That’s right.

JAY: So tell us about the Iraqi Freedom Congress, first of all. What is it and how did it come into being?

ALI: Iraq Freedom Congress is an organization, it’s an umbrella organization, formed in 2005 because of the issues in Iraq. The religious groups and religious parties and nationalist parties were fighting over power, who wanted to divide people according to their national or ethnic background or religious background. We decided in Iraq Freedom Congress to establish an organization, an umbrella organization that bring people together to be another part of the society that denounce all ethnic divisions and religious divisions.

JAY: It’s nonsectarian? It’s Shia, it’s Kurdish, it’s Sunni?

ALI: It’s nonsectarian. We have everyone involved into Iraq Freedom Congress—Muslims, Christians, Yazidis, [inaudible] These are the minority religions there. We do have Shiites, Sunnis, we have Kurds, we have Arabs, we have Turks, and all these [inaudible]

JAY: And what are some of the organizations that are members?

ALI: We do have the General Federation of Worker Councils. This is a major part of the backbone of it. We have the—.

JAY: Which involves which unions?ALI: Unions of rail workers, part of oil workers, part of electricity workers, construction workers, teacher unions, all these people, they are involved into Iraq Freedom Congress.JAY: And roughly the numbers of the Freedom Congress, total numbers of people involved.

ALI: We don’t have a fixed or an exact number, but it goes from 50,0000 to 60,000 members.

JAY: So in the recent elections, what did the Freedom Congress think of the elections, and what does the Freedom Congress think of the results?

ALI: We have issued our statement prior to the election, and we said this election is not going to bring anyone else but the same people who are in power today. They are militias, or they still have their own militia. The Kurds do have their own militias. The Dawa party have one, which is the government. And the Islamic Supreme Council, they do have their own militias, or they say [inaudible]

JAY: People have often said the government’s militia includes the U.S. army.

ALI: This is part of it. And we do have, like, a lot of special security forces there who are coming from Blackwater and whatnot. So these are part—each one has his own armed groups. And we said right in the beginning or right—prior to that election we said the same people who are now in power, they are going to be back in power. And that’s why we saw, like, the decline of the number of voters who cast a ballot from the first one. That was 68 percent, as they said, back then in 2005, but today they say almost 50 percent. But even to certain areas it has not reached to that number, actually, and some ballots there were even zero percent participants in that election.

JAY: Now, there also were some participants who didn’t know they had participated. What’s your story?

ALI: I’ve been living here in Canada since ’95. And prior to the election, two months prior to the election, I called my brother, who lives in Kirkuk, and he told me that he received my election card, which—this is the card, you bring it to the—when you cast a ballot, you bring it to the monitors, and, you know, you vote. And I said, well, how did they find my name? It’s been 15 years, or almost 15 years. And he said, well, I got your card, and anyone can vote for you. And I said—and instead of me. And I said, well, this is crazy. He said, well, there’s a lot—a lot of cards were distributed to those people who are not here. And it happened. It happened. They tick off your name.

JAY: So it raises the participant level, but also means you can have some fraud because people can use those cards any way they please.

ALI: Absolutely. I have my sister-in-law. She’s one of the monitors in Baghdad, and particularly in Adhamiyah district, which is a Sunni-dominated district. And she was telling me she had those people who represent a number of factions participate in that election, and she said they were ticking off the names even if they were not there. They are putting, like, fake names there. If you are not there, they tick off your name and they put you as voted to this faction or that faction.

JAY: Now, Maliki’s been accusing his opponents of doing this, but is there any reason to think they did it more than he did?

ALI: You know what? They’re all part of this game. Maliki himself, prior to election results, that was interesting when he said, well, there are some frauds, but it will not—or he doesn’t think, he didn’t think back then it would affect the election result. This is what he said exactly.

JAY: ‘Cause he thought he was going to win.ALI: Yeah, exactly. But after the election, he decided, no, this election is a fraud, and he has to do a recount, a hand recount.

JAY: Just for people, in case, who haven’t followed it, Maliki actually lost to his opposition by—what? Three or four seats, I think.

ALI: Actually, Allawi himself got 91 seats, and he himself got 89 seats, and they decided [inaudible] recount. The recount started Monday, last Monday. And right after they were started, they said, well, there is an irregularity there, and the reason why, because they had to match the names with the list.

JAY: Now, one of the most controversial things that happened before the election—and it’s been happening afterwards—is this attack on candidates that had something to do with the Ba’ath party in the past, Saddam’s party. I believe a couple or two, or a few, at least, who were actually elected are now—they’re trying to disqualify, and there were many candidates they wouldn’t let run. What’s the attitude of the Freedom Congress towards this?

ALI: You know what? We always say that those who committed crimes must be prosecuted. There is no way around that. But in order to form a government, in order to form a secular, non-ethnic government, you need all these factions to participate. But these factions must not discriminate against others, must not have committed any crime. And we don’t mind if Ba’athist, non-Ba’athists, if they want to come with a real intention to, or a sincere intention to form a society that free of discrimination, free of racism, free of killings and crimes and corruption and all these things. So Iraq Freedom Congress does not discriminate against those. There are former Ba’athists—most of the Iraqis were—must have had to be Ba’athist. I am one of the people who, when I was in university back in 1984 and I was in the College of Education, in order to finish my college I had to be a Ba’ath member. There is no way around it. You are not—if you don’t want to be a Ba’ath member, okay, you have to leave the college. And there is—if you leave college, there is another way you have to go: you have to be in the army. Back then, between ’80 and ’88 we had a war in Iraq, between Iraq and Iran. So if I had to leave the college back then, I had to go to army and I could have been killed. That was possible. One million casualties were in that war. So I am one example in millions of examples back in the ’80s.

JAY: Maliki knows that by going after these candidates it helps facilitate and create the conditions for more conflict with the Sunnis, and potentially, you know, the grounds for a kind of civil war. So what is Maliki’s objective here?

ALI: Well, here the thing is, when we talk about Maliki and if he cares about the election, if he doesn’t care about the people, if he cares about what—the entire government, those people who are in power today, they don’t really care about people. We’ve seen that. We’ve seen that since 2003. We’ve seen that in this kind of sectarian war in 2005. They did not care about people. Thousands and hundreds of thousands were killed, were displaced, were kidnapped. The government back then did not do anything about it, did not even move one step towards reconciliation. That wasn’t the—the attitude of the government, we know, in Iraq, that these are not pro-people, that each one has his own agenda, and that’s why they’re—.

JAY: Iraq has enormous oil reserves. The leaders of all these various ethnic factions are sections of the Iraqi elite who are fighting over who’s going to divide up this enormous wealth. There’s a lot to fight over, and it has been very violent in the last few years. What are the possibilities—or how serious is the threat of civil war in Iraq?

ALI: Civil war is always on the verge. Iraqi people are always on the verge—not the people, actually; those factions. As I mentioned earlier, the issue of armed groups, it’s still there. Each faction has its own armed group and wants to get to a point that they cannot resolve their problem, their disputes, they resort to weapons, they resort to killing each other. And it happened just prior to the election—a number of candidates were assassinated in Mosul. It happened in Baghdad prior to the election, when the government security forces went to Adhamiyah district, which is a Sunni-dominated area. They arrested a number of people there for no apparent reason. They were jailed, and they were released after the election. The election result right now, nobody got the majority. Nobody can form a government by himself. They are in the face of each other. Just yesterday there was a meeting between the Islamic Supreme Council group or faction with [Ayad] Allawi faction, Allawi who had 91 seats, who had the highest number of seats in the Parliament today. He said, I must—and this is what—I’m quoting—he said, I must form the government because I do have the highest seats in the Parliament. The other faction, which is the Islamic Supreme Council, who formed another faction with al-Maliki, they are trying to be a mediator as to who’s going to form what and what sort of government it’s going to be, who’s going to be the prime minister. There are a number of ministries or posts they are going to fight over, just like happened in 2005. The Ministry of Defense, the Ministry of Interior, they call it, the Ministry of Oil, the Ministry of Finance, these are the ministries that there will be major issues among these factions.

JAY: It’s often said in the American press that it’s the American troops—and the U.S. says this quite officially as well, that they think it’s the U.S. troops that are preventing this civil war from breaking out. So to what extent is that true? And if in fact the U.S. does leave at the end of 2011, is that actually going to create the conditions for the beginnings of this kind of conflict?

ALI: Well, actually, no, that is not true. The American troops were in Iraq since 2003, and we saw a version of sectarian conflict and of kind of civil war in Iraq. The American troops did not participate, did not prevent that. They were just watching the whole issue. They wanted to know—this is what we think they wanted to know—who’s going to win in the end. They did not have a serious intervention as to be a mediator to solve this conflict. They never did that. And what happened, who settled that, and this is what we strongly believe who settled that, is the people themselves did not want to be part of the civil war. They did not want to be part of the killing and kidnapping. It is right that we saw a lot of people were displaced from their neighbourhood to somewhere else.

JAY: Millions of people.

ALI: Yeah, millions of people. But when it comes to if they were helping each other, yes, they still help each other.

JAY: Well, how much is that still the fact, then? If these elites with their militias want to have a fight to see who’s going to control the state, can they get the people to participate?

ALI: They tried, hardly. I think they failed miserably. They could not get the people involved into that killing, and it happened. We had al-Sadr militia. We had al-Maliki’s militia. He had his own militia. Islamic Supreme Council. Tariq al-Hashimi, he’s the vice president of Iraq; he had his own militia. They were fighting each other. They tried to bring the people on board of that civil war. People did not want to participate.

JAY: The Kurdish leader Barzani, who did fairly well in these elections and became, I think, the clear-cut leader of the Kurdish section, anyway, he says the only way to avoid an all-out civil war is to have a federated Iraq. What does the Freedom Congress that you represent, what do you think of this idea of a federated Iraq?

ALI: We believe that the federated Iraq is not going to be like Canada, as based on, like, a geographical area. What happened is they want to divide Iraq based on ethnic background and—.

JAY: So it’s more like a Lebanese type of situation.

ALI: Exactly. And it never worked out. The Lebanese had this issue since 1943, when they formed a government. They formed areas, like, this is Shiites’, this is Sunnis’, this is Muslims’, this is Christians’, and whatnot. It never worked out.

JAY: So you institutionalize the sectarian differences.ALI: Exactly. Well, this—they tried to do this in Iraq. It will never be successful, because once you divide people based on their ethnic bakground or religious background, you will always have tensions. And we’ve seen that. We’ve seen Yugoslavia, we’ve seen Lebanon, and whatnot.

JAY: Well, is part of this—and you can see this in Lebanon, too, for people watching our series on Lebanon—a lot of this is that they don’t want the society divided based on workers or class or economic interests. They’d far rather have it divided based on these religious and ethnic divisions. And does that play itself out in Iraq?

ALI: No. As I said, Iraq—.

JAY: No, I mean that the elites prefer the ethnic division.

ALI: Absolutely the elites prefer. And the Islamic Supreme Council had been calling for a Shiite federal—like, a southern federal region for the Shiites. And the Kurds wants that in the north. The Arabs themselves, they don’t want that to be, because they think this is the beginning of dividing Iraq into three separate geographic areas. They think that the Kurds will form their own state, the Shiite will join Iran, and Iraq will be smaller than before.

JAY: And what do the Americans seem to want? I mean, Joe Biden was always a big proponent of this federated [inaudible]

ALI: That’s right. Joe Biden had—he was the architect of that federalism in Iraq and the Shiite, Sunni, Kurds. But at this point what do the Americans want? They just want to pull out with less loss in Iraq. They have lost a lot, and they did not accomplish what they went for. They did not find the WMD. All these reasons they went for or pretexts they went for, they could not find it. Now Iraq is just a mess, as worse than before. They think that there is no war in Iraq and it’s stable. It is not stable.

Houzan Mahmoud en Malaisie

15 mars 2010

Le 3 mars 2010 Houzan Mahmoud a fait une intervention lors  d’une conférence internationale  à Kuala Lumpur, en Malaisie, sur les droits des femmes en Irak et la situation actuelle dans ce pays.

Interview des dirigeants syndicaux irakiens

26 septembre 2009

Democracy now a interviewé le 21 septembre les dirigeants syndicaux irakiens Rasim Awadi (Président de la Fédération générale des travailleurs irakiens, G.F.I.W.) et Falah Alwan (Président de la Fédération des conseils ouvriers et syndicats en Irak, F.W.C.U.I.):

Les vidéos Vodpod ne sont plus disponibles.

more about « Interview des dirigeants syndicaux ir…« , posted with vodpod

télécharger la vidéo au format MP3

Pour aider à la lecture de la vidéo en anglais nous publions la transcription de l’interview:

AMY GOODMAN: We turn now to Iraq, where Vice President Biden recently pressed Iraqi leaders to enact further regulatory and financial protections to make Iraq more attractive to foreign investors. Speaking to Iraqi officials in Baghdad’s Green Zone last week, Biden called for the Iraqi Parliament to adopt laws to offer more incentives on oil concessions. He also noted the Iraq Business and Investment Conference in Washington next month could encourage private US investment in the country.

Well, as the Vice President was in Iraq promoting privatization last week, a group of Iraqi labor leaders were here in the United States attending the AFL-CIO convention, trying to bring international attention to the lack of basic labor law in Iraq guaranteeing the right to unionize without repression.

Although the United States has scrapped several Saddam Hussein-era laws since the 2003 invasion and occupation of Iraq, a 1987 law banning unions in all public-sector workplaces remains in place.

The AFL-CIO adopted a resolution defending Iraqi labor rights last week, and US Labor Against the War is urging Secretary of State Hillary Clinton to press the Iraqi government to protect labor rights.

For more now, I’m joined by two labor leaders from Iraq. Rasim Awadi is the president of the General Federation of Iraqi Workers, which was formed by the merger of three federations created by Iraqi workers following the 2003 invasion. And Falah Alwan is the president of the Federation of Workers Councils and Unions in Iraq. He was an underground labor activist throughout the ’90s, working in textile and factories and retail stores until the invasion. They will interpreted by Ali Issa.

We welcome you to Democracy Now!

I would like to start with Rasim Awadi. The situation of labor law, or lack of it, in Iraq?

RASIM AWADI: [translated] Actually, there’s a complete lack of labor law for the Iraqi working class, and the laws now in effect are the same ones that Saddam set in place in the past regime. And for this reason, the Iraqi labor movement is limited in what it can do and is subject to past labor laws, in addition to the fact that Iraqi labor union leaders are trying to re-enliven some of the labor union activism in the public sector. And since 2003, many of the labor unions have resurrected the structure and the infrastructure of unions and have pushed back on some of the old labor laws that unified one union only as the representative of Iraqi workers.

But we still suffer from three main points: the lack of a general labor law, 51 percent of unemployment, a complete lack of a stable service sector for workers. So, a lack of a retirement plan, social security and social services for workers are not there. For that reason, workers are in a very dangerous position since the occupation, but we hope that some of our union leaders will be able to realize what Iraqi workers hope for.

AMY GOODMAN: Falah Alwan, has the US invasion and occupation led to democracy in Iraq? You were an underground labor activist through the 1990s?


AMY GOODMAN: What’s happening now?

FALAH ALWAN: Yeah, let me give you an image about what happened to the society, not only to the activists, after the occupation. All what we gained is the devastation of the fundamental basis of the industries and the infrastructure of the society and lack of the rights of the women and reducing of the financial to support or to provide the services in general. Until now, there is no law to protect the workers or all—there is no labor law to the workers to protect their rights to organize themselves or to create their unions.

For example, since about two or three weeks, we tried only to take a permission to hold a peaceful gathering to the workers of the food industries in Baghdad, but the authorities refused to give us the right to hold a peaceful demonstration of the 350 workers who threatened to be—to lose their jobs and to privatize and to cancel their companies. This is an example of the democracy in the society.

If you ask me about the differences between the fascism era of Saddam and now, the people can talk, people can issue statements. But in the reality, the authorities didn’t give us the right to implement our demands or to improve the conditions of the workers or to improve the whole situation of the workers’ rights or even of the all society. Yeah.

AMY GOODMAN: Who is in charge in Iraq?

FALAH ALWAN: I think both the occupation forces and the authorities which were imposed by the occupation itself. As you know, after 2003, the occupation imposed authorities according to dividing the people, dividing the society, according the religion, the language, the tribe, the—and they imposed a so-called “governing council.” Until now, the authority is still as it was before. They created a religious atmosphere of the society. They imposed very oppressive laws against women, against the workers, and against the whole freedoms. Yeah.

AMY GOODMAN: Falah Alwan, I want to switch gears, as we come to the end of the discussion—that’s oil privatization. Biden, our Vice President, was in Iraq promoting privatization. What’s happening with oil and workers in Iraq?

FALAH ALWAN: Well, I think privatization of the oil is the economical dimension of the occupation itself. So, it is the main important issue for the occupation to impose the privatization, but there is a mass refusing to this project. That is why they are privatization—privatizing the oil indirectly by the leases or by the contracts with the companies.

You can see that the US administration insists to impose this so-called oil law in the time that they are never intervene to impose a worker law or to urge the Iraqi authorities to expand the workers’ rights. I think the privatization of the oil is a strategic task of the US administration. So, it is a main dimension of the occupation.

AMY GOODMAN: Rasim Awadi, you’re here in the United States. You’re going back to Iraq on Wednesday. Your final message to the American people?

RASIM AWADI: [translated] We first ask that the American people put pressure on their government to withdraw American forces from Iraq. And second, we ask the American people to assist us in reinstalling our infrastructure, from education, water, electricity; all these things that have been abandoned in our society.

And during our trip now, we got a lot of support from the American working class through their unions, and we thank them for that support. And the American working class showed their support and willingness to aid the Iraqi working class.

AMY GOODMAN: Rasim Awadi and Falah Alwan, labor leaders from Iraq, I thank you very much for being with us.

International Declaration of Zenko Conference 2009

14 août 2009
From IFC
Zenko conference was held in Yokohama, Japan, on August 1st and 2nd, with international participants from Iraq, the US, the Philippines, Korea, and Japan, who were gathered together in pursuit of peace and democracy.

We see policies of war and neo-liberalism going bankrupt in the ongoing global depression and in the withdrawal of multi-national forces and partial withdrawal of US forces from Iraq. It is high time that we should win a radical shift in the policies of war and neo-liberalism.

Anti-war movements of the world must achieve the immediate and complete withdrawal of all the occupying forces and establish in Iraq the secular and democratic government that will not hand over its oil resources to global capital. This will pave the way for creating a peaceful world that will never again allow illegal wars that violate international law.

For that sake, Iraqi people are gathering their power around Iraq Freedom Congress (IFC).

IFC, foreseeing a situation where the US military would partially withdraw its troops, held international labor conference in March this year, in an effort to unite Iraqi labor front, and successfully forged solidarity with workers of the world. It is a common task for the global anti-war peace movements to strengthen solidarity with IFC and support its work.

Sana satellite TV has been greatly instrumental in sustaining the activities of IFC. Sana satellite TV is playing an important role in counteracting propaganda made by the al-Maliki puppet regime as well as by Political Islam. The US and the Political Islam that hate this medium have interfered with this TV station in various ways. Sana TV had its staff killed and its office looted and destroyed. It is imperative to support Sana TV and help it to continue and develop its broadcasting.

IFC and Iraqi people who are victims of war, IVAW who chose to work in solidarity with Iraqi people, taking the responsibility as an aggressor in the war, USLAW who are as workers, developing actions to refuse war cooperation, anti-war peace movements of the world; if we can combine all these forces together and struggle in solidarity with each other, victory is possible.

Also, let us abolish “worker dispatch law” which is the root cause of dismissal and poverty, and stop neo-liberalism. Japan and Korea have a common challenge against temporary labor. We should strengthen international solidarity toward abolishing temporary labor.

Together with this, let us support non-defended localities initiatives which protect children and civilians against war worldwide.

We declare as follows;

1. In order to prevent the illegal looting of Iraqi oil resources by global capital, let us stage an international campaign to protest global capital and respective governments.

2. In demand of immediate and complete withdrawal of all the occupying forces from Iraq, let us organize internationally coordinated campaign with actions in the fall of 2009 and in March, 2010.

3. Let us muster support for IFC toward realization of the secular, non-ethnic, and democratic government in Iraq. In helping Sana satellite TV to continue its broadcasting, let us stage an international campaign to raise fund of 14 million yen by the end of February 2010.

4. Let us strengthen international support with the Iraqi labor movement which is still suffering under anti-worker law instituted by Sadam regime, especially including decrees 150 and 151.

5. To protect children and civilians worldwide, let us support the community of peace for the children for the development of non-defended localities.

6. By strengthening international solidarity to abolish temporary labor, let us internationally collect signatures for the petition to the supreme court of Japan with the intention of determining the judgment delivered by the Osaka High court in Mr.Yoshioka’s case where Panasonic Plasma Display Corporation was condemned for its disguised subcontracting practice.

August 2nd, 2009, Yokohama, JAPAN

Endorsed by:

1. Abu Wattan (IFC)
2. Kevin Hussey (USLAW)
3. TJ Buonomo (IVAW)
4. Paul Galang (AKCDF)
5. SATO Kazuyoshi (MDS)
6. YAMAKAWA Yoshiyasu (ZENKO)
7. and all the other participants in the 39th ZENKO Annual Conference National Assembly for
Peace and Democracy

Iran Solidarity

7 juillet 2009

Spécial Iran (35)

iran solidarityIn June 2009 millions of people came out on to the streets of Iran for freedom and an end to the Islamic regime. Whilst the June 12 election was a pretext for the protests – elections have never been free or fair in Iran – it has opened the space for people to come to the fore with their own slogans.

The world has been encouraged by the protestors’ bravery and humane demands and horrified by the all-out repression they have faced. It has seen a different image of Iran – one of a population that refuses to kneel even after 30 years of living under Islamic rule.

The dawn that this movement heralds for us across the world is a promising one – one that aims to bring Iran into the 21st century and break the back of the political Islamic movement internationally.

This is a movement that must be supported.


We, the undersigned, join Iran Solidarity to declare our unequivocal solidarity with the people of Iran. We hear their call for freedom and stand with them in opposition to the Islamic regime of Iran.

We demand:

1. The immediate release of all those imprisoned during the recent protests and all political prisoners

2. The arrest and public prosecution of those responsible for the current killings and atrocities and for those committed during the last 30 years

3. Proper medical attention to those wounded during the protests and ill-treated and tortured in prison. Information on the status of the dead, wounded and arrested to their families. The wounded and arrested must have access to their family members. Family members must be allowed to bury their loved ones where they choose.

4. A ban on torture

5. The abolition of the death penalty and stoning

6. Unconditional freedom of expression, thought, organisation, demonstration, and strike

7. Unconditional freedom of the press and media and an end to restrictions on
communications, including the internet, telephone, mobiles and satellite television programmes

8. An end to compulsory veiling and gender apartheid

9. The abolition of discriminatory laws against women and the establishment of complete equality between men and women

10. The complete separation of religion from the state, judiciary, education and religious freedom and atheism as a private matter.

Moreover, we call on all governments and international institutions to isolate the Islamic Republic of Iran and break all diplomatic ties with it. We are opposed to military intervention and economic sanctions because of their adverse affects on people’s lives.

The people of Iran have spoken; we stand with them.

[traduction française]

Pour signer la déclaration d’Iran solidarity, cliquez ici

La campagne sera lancée à Londres le 13 juillet. Renseignements auprès de Maryam Namazie.

Iran: Statement by Coordinating Committee to Help Form Workers’ Organizations about Presidential Election and recent unrest

23 juin 2009

Spécial Iran (20)

Translated by the IASWI

Iranian people have witnessed the presidential elections in Iran. During the debates between candidates there was never any mention of destitute conditions of the working class, non-payment of wages, temporary-work contracts, medieval sentences of floggings, killings and incarceration of workers and labor activists, suppression of May 1st events….The reality is that these candidates themselves are collaborators in creation of such impoverished conditions facing working class and majority of the population in Iran. That is exactly why amongst hundreds of candidates only these four were hand-picked.

In the election process all resources of capitalists, familiar and unfamiliar liberals, media networks of world capitalism: BBC, VOA, was utilized to convince people of elections as an arena for change. In various styles they attempted to convince people that their votes held some power and value. After the election it became obvious that all their propaganda were naught.

Voters discovered that their votes were misused. And now they are protesting in hundreds of thousands. People should have defended their rights by a boycott of the election, but in any instance the votes tossed into ballot boxes are being utilized by the regimes officials. People have a right to protest such mistreatments. While condemning all the attacks on protesters we remind all that such protests should not be led by likes of Mousavi, Khatami, Kahroubi, or any other executives or elements of the capitalist order. These protests shall become a part of justice seeking by workers and toiling masses against the capitalist order.

Iranian working class has been struggling for its basic rights for years and in the process has been vigorously attacked by the protectors of Capital. In the 80’s simultaneous with execution and incarceration of hundreds and thousands of activists of social movements, especially labour movement, they executed Jamal Cheragh Vaisi, the speaker for May 1st event in Sanandaj. In the era of so called “political reforms,” labor activists in Saghez were arrested and incarcerated for participating in May 1st events, egalitarian and freethinking writers were portrayed as hired pens, and some of them were killed in a process of chain murders.

In the past few years we have also witnessed Khaton Abad workers getting riddled with bullets, Mansour Osanloo, president of the executive board of Vahed Syndicate getting his tongue cut and incarcerated, Mahmud Salehi being jailed and denied medical attention while in confinement, flogging of labor activists on charges of participating in May 1st ceremonies, and arrests and incarceration of tens of labor activists in this year’s May1st event….

Student protesters were viciously attacked and their dormitories ransacked. Women’s movement and their activists asking for their basic rights were also beastly attacked, and incarcerated. The just rights of teachers and nurses were also violated, by firing from jobs and confinement in prisons.

Now the protectors of Capital are facing a dire crisis and reproaching each other. Working class and noble liberated people of Iran should expose such demagoguery. Bourgeoisie in whichever shape from or color cannot and will not guarantee the just rights and demands of Iranian workers and toilers. At best the desperate attempts of capitalist class and their representatives are to turn workers into a reserve force that could be used to maintain their dominance. Working class and liberated people of Iran shall not trust them.

Workers, liberated and noble people of Iran!

Major tribulations for workers and all exploited masses are: exploitation, extensive unemployment and lack of any rights, inflation and unbearable high costs of living, lack of basics rights to from workers organizations, the right to strike, freedom of expression, and other civil liberties. Such obstacles could be overcome only by relying on the power of the working class as the main and most powerful societal force.

Workers and brave, justice seeking people of Iran and throughout the world, in their extensive, and freedom seeking protests could and should demand: the identification, arrest and prosecution of all those who ordered and implemented the recent suppressions and killings of people, and demand freedom of all those imprisoned during the recent workers’ and people’s protests. We also demand the annulment of all sentences against workers and labour activists as well as activists of women’s movement and students’ movement.

Capitalist order is an order of barbarism, suppression and exploitation, an order of corruption, poverty, prostitution, and deprivation. Let’s unite and call for the eradication of the capitalist system.

Coordinating Committee to Help Form Workers’ Organizations

June 18, 2009

See also:

Interview d’Hamid Taqvaee sur la situation en Iran

17 juin 2009

Spécial Iran (6)

Maryam Namazie interrogeait hier Hamid Taqvaee, secrétaire du Parti communiste-ouvrier d’Iran. Parmi les questions auxquelles il répond (vidéo en anglais): Les élections ont-elles été truquées? Est-ce une révolution « verte » comme le dit le Guardian? Le PCOI appelle la population iranienne à quoi faire? Quel soutien international attendons-nous?

Appel du PCOI contre la répression en Iran

25 mai 2009

Source: site du CCI-T.

Cher amis !

Cette année nous avons eu un 1er mai exemplaire en Iran. C’était une grande victoire pour les travailleurs et le peuple. Ils ont montré leur pouvoir contre l’oppression islamiste brutale. Malgré la loi martiale non déclarée du régime, des douzaines d’organisations ouvrières A travers le pays ont célébré la fête du premier mai à Téhéran et dans d’autres villes dans une union qui n’avait pas été vue durant les 30 dernières années. Ils ont aussi publié une résolution nationale soulignant leurs demandes les plus immédiates et celles de la grande majorité du peuple en Iran. Cela, en soi, a été un grand acquis pour tout le peuple conduit par la classe ouvrière durant sa journée internationale.

Dans les premières heures du 1er mai la République Islamique d’Iran a exécuté Delara Darabi qui n’avait que 17 ans quand elle aurait commis le meurtre dont elle était accusée pour terroriser encore davantage la société. Cet assassinat d’enfant de la part des criminels au pouvoir en Iran a reçu une réponse internationale immédiate ; il a été largement relayé dans les médias du monde entier et a été condamné fermement par les organisations internationales et les institutions politiques. Suite à ce crime haineux, le régime islamique a attaqué brutalement le rassemblement public du 1er mai à Téhéran. Pour prendre le contrôle des rues et empêcher les célébrations du 1er mai le régime a mobilisé sa police et ses voyous paramilitaires (connus sous le nom de Bassidj) dans d’autres villes également. Cependant, malgré les lâches mesures de précaution du régime la fête du 1er mai a été célébrée de façon plus éclatante que jamais.

A Téhéran quelques deux mille personnes se sont rassemblées dès les premiers moments. Pour pouvoir empêcher l’augmentation continue du nombre de participants, la police et les forces paramilitaires ont bloqué le lieu du meeting et ont attaqué les manifestants avec des bâtons et du gaz lacrymogène. La police a battu de façon barbare et blessé de nombreux manifestants. Plus de 170 personnes, approximativement la moitié étant des femmes, ont été arrêtées et placées en garde à vue.

A Sanandaj, pour empêcher les célébrations du 1er mai, 5 leaders ouvriers ont été placés en détention jusqu’au soir du premier mai. La police a aussi arrêté 6 autres leaders ouvriers pendant les célébrations et les a placé en détention jusqu’au lendemain. Malgré tout cela les travailleurs ont réussi la fête de la journée du 1er mai.

Depuis ce jour les familles des détenus se sont rassemblées devant le tribunal à Téhéran tous les jours, demandant la remise en liberté de leurs proches. Grâce à cette mobilisation certains détenus ont été relâchés. Cependant, environ 130 d’entre eux, y compris des leaders et militants ouvriers connus sont toujours en détention.

La république islamique d’Iran a fixé des cautions extrêmement élevées pour la remise en liberté de ceux qui sont toujours détenus. Le régime cherche à soumettre les leaders et militants ouvriers dans le but d’affaiblir la capacité d’organisation et de protestation des travailleurs.

Cher amis !

Les ouvriers et le peuple en Iran ont besoin d’un soutien et d’une solidarité internationales pour acquérir leurs droits, ils comptent sur ce soutien. La République Islamique utilise l’arme de la peine de mort et exécute des enfants et de adolescents pour terroriser la société. Le peuple en Iran attend que vous condamniez ces atrocités. Ils attendent que vous condamniez la répression des travailleurs lors de la fête du premier mai. Ils attendent que vous utilisiez tout ce qui est en votre pouvoir pour faire pression sur le régime islamique afin d’obtenir la libération immédiate et sans conditions des détenus du 1er mai et de tous les leaders et militants ouvriers emprisonnés. Les représentants de la République Islamique d’Iran et les organisations prétendument ouvrières créées par le régime doivent être condamnés et expulsés de l’Organisation Internationale des Travailleurs pour leurs nombreux crimes contre les travailleurs et le peuple en Iran.

Longue vie à la solidarité internationale des travailleurs !


Khalil Keyvan

Secrétaire du Parti Communiste Ouvrier d’Iran (Organisation à l’étranger)

Jusqu’à présent les détenus suivants du 1er mai ont pu être identifiés :

1.Jafar Azimzadeh, 2.Shahpour Ehsani-Rad, 3.Bahram (Isa) Abedini, 4.Saeed Youzee, 5.Behrouz Khabbaz, 6.Younes Arjhang, 7.Maryam Mohseni, 8.Mohammad Ashrafi, 9.Laleh Mohammadi, 10.Sharif Mohammadi, 11.Afsaneh Azimzadeh, 12.Fatemeh Eqdami, 13.Fatemeh Shah-Nazari, 14.Mohammad Lotfi, 15.Masoud Loqman, 16.Qolamreza Khani, 17.Mansour Hayat-Qeybi, 18.Behnaz Farmanbar, 19.Parvaneh Qasemiyan, 20.Misam Jafarnejhad, 21.Amir Yaqoub-Ali, 22.Kaveh Mozzafari, 23.Jelveh Javaheri, 24.Alireza Saqafi, 25.Mohsen Saqafi, 26.Asadollah Pour-Farhad, 27.Alireza Firouzi, 28.Pourya Pishtazeh, 29.Taha Valizadeh, 30.Homa Ajhdarnia, 31.Hamid Khademi, 32.Eynollah Basiri, 33.Omid Shafiee, 34.Navid Yazdi, 35.Nasrin Alizadeh, 36.Sajjad Sabz-Alipour, 37.Aysan Zarfam, 38.Khoshbakht, 39.Ahmad Davoudi, 40.Mohammad Salimi, 41.Mohammad Ehsani, 42.Saleh Kia-abadi, 43.Hamid Yaqoub-Ali, 44.Sirous Fathi, 45.Maryam Mir-Bahari, 46.Maryam Yaminifar, 47.Mahmoud Hosseini, 48.Homayoun Jaberi, 49.Behnam Ebrahimzadeh, 50.Hamid Malakzadeh, 51.Sadeq Keyvan, 52.Ajhan Poursharifi, 53.Zanyar Ahmadi, 54.Behzad Khabbaz, 55.Mehdi Shandiz-Farahani, 56.Farajollah Saadi, 57.Najmeh Ranjbaran, 58.Ali Moaddab, 59.Saeed Sojoudi, 60.Hamid Qorbani, 61.Yekzad Zanganeh, 62.Asqar Yavari, 63.Qolamreza Rajabi

Voir aussi:

Le dernier numéro du bulletin en anglais du PCOI (mai 2009) est disponible en ligne au format pdf:


Iranian Workers’ May Day Resolution

1 mai 2009

La déclaration de 1° mai qui suit ne provient pas de la gauche en exil (cf. ici) mais des groupements ouvriers existants en Iran même, notamment les syndicats des transports de Téhéran (dont des dirigeants comme Mansoor Osanloo sont en prison) et des sucreries de Haft Tapeh, et le Comité de coordination pour la création d’organisations de travailleurs (Mahmoud Salehi). Le 14 mars dernier , Ali Nejati et quatre autres responsables syndicaux de Haft Tapeh ont été condamnés à un an de prison. Le 28 avril dernier, les enseignants iraniens étaient en grève nationale. Farzad Kamangar est toujours sous le coup d’une condamnation à mort, ce qui est une vraie menace, la jeune Delara Darabi ayant par exemple été exécutée ce matin malgré une campagne internationale. C’est dans ce contexte de répression générale qu’il faut apprécier la combativité et la détermination de nos camarades iraniens.

The present financial crisis and its destructive consequences for the working class around the world is yet to spread its ominous specter on the everyday life of the Iranian workers; But the injustices they suffer is nothing but the outcome of the rule of the Iranian capitalist class.

Injustices such as: Wages that keep workers under the poverty line, Widespread layoffs, Withholding of workers’ wages for months, Imposition of temporary and blank contracts on workers by companies, Imprisonment and flogging of workers in order to inhibit disobedience and resistance, The absence of fair and legal contracts, are not problems which have emerged in Iran with the new wave of economic crisis. Such injustices have existed in Iran for many years and the crisis is increasingly deepening every year.
May first is the international day of solidarity among the working class and a day of workers’ struggle around the world against the oppressive rule of capitalism and the expression of their desire for a world free of oppression and exploitation.

This year the working class is celebrating May Day while the world capitalist system is mired in an increasingly destructive economic crisis and is struggling to free itself from this quagmire by any means possible.

The present economic crisis has demonstrated the inability of the capitalist system to deal with its problems, having found no alternative but to transfer the brunt of the crisis onto the shoulders of the working class around the world. This bears witness to the fact that in the post Eastern Block era and the declaration of the end of history by the decadent capitalist world, there remains no other alternative for the working class and the civilized world but to free itself from the inhumane capitalist relations of production.

The present financial crisis and its destructive consequences for the working class around the world is yet to spread its ominous specter on the everyday life of the Iranian workers; But the injustices they suffer is nothing but the outcome of the rule of the Iranian capitalist class.

The injustices imposed on the Iranian working class, such as:

Wages that keep workers under the poverty line, Widespread layoffs, Withholding of workers’ wages for months, Imposition of temporary and blank contracts on workers by companies, Imprisonment and flogging of workers in order to inhibit disobedience and resistance, The absence of fair and legal contracts, are not problems which have emerged in Iran with the new wave of economic crisis. Such injustices have existed in Iran for many years and the crisis is increasingly deepening every year. We shall not keep quiet in the face of such abhorring and inhumane practices, and will not allow them to infringe upon our rights any more than they already have. We are the principal producers of wealth in the society, and we deem it our lawful right to live according to the highest standards of living.
We deserve a decent lifestyle and we will make sure we alleviate these problems by forming unions, which are independent of Government and company influence, and by our ongoing solidarity.

Therefore, our workers demand the following as their minimum program to take effect immediately:

1-Job security for all workers and the abolition of temporary, blank and newly-formulated contracts.

2-We consider the minimum wage set by the high council of labour as the imposition of gradual death on millions of working class families, and we insist on the immediate increase of the minimum wage on the basis of workers’ legitimate demands, conveyed by workers’ real representatives and their independent unions.

3-Formation of independent workers’ unions, the right to strike, protest, free gatherings and free speech are our legitimate rights, and these demands must be granted unconditionally and as the inalienable rights of all workers.

4-Workers’ unpaid wages must be reimbursed immediately and from now on, this exercise must be deemed a criminal act, prosecutable in the courts of law and the consequences enforced.

5-Firing of workers by using various excuses must stop and all of those sacked, or newly entering the job market, should benefit from employment insurance suitable to a decent living standard.

6-We demand equal rights for men and women in all aspects of economic and social life and we demand the abolition of all existing discriminatory laws.

7-We demand a decent pension plan for all retirees and we condemn any discriminatory practices in the payment of these pensions.

8-We firmly support all the demands put forth by teachers, nurses and all other hard-working white collar workers, and we consider ourselves their ally in their struggle. We also demand revocation of Farzad Kamangar’s death sentence.

9-As seasonal and construction workers are deprived of the necessary social insurance rights, we support their struggle to achieve their humanitarian rights and a decent living.

10-Capitalism is the driving force behind child labour. We demand that all children, irrespective of their gender, ethnicity and religion, be able to benefit from equal educational and health and hygiene opportunities.

11-We demand the release of all incarcerated workers from prison, including Mansour Osanloo and Ebrahim Madadi, and the revocation of all judgments rendered against them, and put a stop to the arrests and harassments of workers.

12-We hereby pronounce our support for all freedom-loving and equity seeking movements, such as the student movement and women’s movement, and we strongly condemn the arrest and imprisonment of their activists.

13-We are part of the international working class movement, and as such, we condemn the random sacking and the double exploitation and harassment of Afghan and other migrant workers in Iran.

14-While we are grateful for the international working class support for our struggles in Iran, we are their allies in solidarity with their struggles against the hardships imposed by the capitalist system.

15-May first must be declared a civic holiday in the Iranian calendar and any ban on May Day celebrations must be revoked and prohibited.

Long live May Day!

Long live the international solidarity of the working class!

May 1, 2009

  • The May first committee
  • The Syndicate of Workers of Tehran and Suburbs Vahed Bus Company
  • The Syndicate of Workers of the Haft Tapeh Sugar Plantations
  • The Free Union of Workers in Iran
  • The Founding Committee of the Syndicate of Building ‘s Painters and Decoration’s Workers
  • The Collaborative Council of Labour Organizations and Activists
  • The Coordinating Committee to Form Workers’ Organizations
  • The Committee to Pursue the Establishment of Free Workers’ Organizations
  • The Women’s Council
  • The Center for Workers’ Rights in Iran

1° mai 2009 à Sanandaj (Kurdistan iranien)

Introducing the U.S. Marxist-Humanists

14 avril 2009

The U.S. Marxist-Humanists is a new organization basing itself upon the unique philosophic contributions that have guided Marxist-Humanism since its founding in the 1950s. We do so by working out a unity of theory and practice, worker and intellectual, and philosophy and organization. We aim to develop and project a truly viable vision of a new, human society that can give direction to today’s freedom struggles. We ground our ideas in the totality of Marx’s Marxism and Raya Dunayevskaya’s body of ideas. Our organization, formed after the breakup of News and Letters Committees, includes among its members the editors of Dunayevskaya’s posthumous publications, such as The Power of Negativity, and the lontgtime archivist for The Raya Dunayevskaya Collection.
We are about to launch a website here where we will be publishing the following articles plus announcements and alerts:

  • Peter Hudis, “On the G20 Summit and the Global Economic Crisis”
  • Statement of the U.S. Marxist-Humanists, “The Twin Tragedies of the Gaza War”
  • Kevin Anderson, “Israel’s Gaza Invasion and the Barbarism of War”
  • From Iranian Students’ Office for the Consolidation of Unity, “Statement to Condemn the Crimes in Gaza”
  • From the Praxis Center and Richard Greeman, “Stop Political Terror in Russia”
  • Heather Tomanovsky “Gender, the Family and The German Ideology
  • From a Chinese student, “On the Earthquake, Humanism, and Marxism”
  • Eli Messinger, “Review Essay on Michael Löwy’s The Theory of Revolution in the Young Marx
  • Peter Hudis, “Re-thinking the Crisis of Capital in Light of the Crisis of the Left: Response to Chris Cutrone”
  • Peter Hudis, “Comments on Tony Smith’s Globalization: A Systematic Marxian Account
  • Kevin Anderson, “From the Grundrisse to Capital, Multilinear Themes”
  • Statement of Principles of the U.S. Marxist-Humanists

Contact us at at