La Chine

Modèle phare du capitalisme d’État ouvert sur la mondialisation, la Chine porte aussi une histoire extrêmement utile pour les militants qui aide à comprendre son rôle actuel (nous renvoyons à l’excellent livre de Pierre Souyri, Révolution et contre-révolution en Chine, 1982). Elle a laissé orphelins un courant stalinien, le maoïsme (« From 1949 to 1976, China was a socialist society », RCP-USA août 2008). Nous avons en France une organisation maoïste sérieuse qui fait un travail intéressant dans la CGT, Voie prolétarienne, qui publie le journal Partisan. Mais sous son vocabulaire lutte de classe plus radical que celui des trotskystes, le maoïsme actuel partage la plupart du temps les mêmes erreurs, notamment sur les vertus supposées du nationalisme de gauche anti-impérialiste et sur l’insuffisance criante d’analyse des régimes bureaucratiques. Le jeune parti communiste révolutionnaire canadien déclare ainsi que: « En Russie et en Chine, de grandes révolutions ont ébranlé les fondements du système bourgeois. D’importantes victoires ont été remportées, qui ont toutefois été annulées par les nouveaux bourgeois qui s’y sont accaparés du pouvoir. Le maoïsme, c’est la synthèse de toute cette expérience du mouvement communiste, qui intègre à la fois ses leçons positives et négatives et qui nous permettra donc d’aller plus loin dans le combat pour notre libération. » Une question de salubrité intellectuelle se pose aux générations militantes actuelles et à venir. On n’attendra donc pas de ce dossier thématique un panarama neutre ou pluraliste mais une dénonciation argumentée du maoïsme comme du post-maoïsme libéral qui sévit en Chine contre les travailleurs.

La BS

china-factory

Usine en Chine

Brochure de la Révolution prolétarienne en 1954

Cahier Spartacus en 1972

Livre écrit en 1962 mais publié après la mort de P. Souyri, en 1982.

Socialist standard doctobre 1974

N° spécial de Workers Liberty (octobre 2009) rééditant une brochure de Jack Brad

N° spécial de Workers’ Liberty (octobre 2009) rééditant une brochure de Jack Brad

7 Réponses to “La Chine”

  1. socio13 Says:

    Voici sur mon blog http://socio13.wordpress.com/ un interview des auteurs belges d’un livre sur la multinationale IKEA. Cette analyse nous permet de comprendre comment il existe une chaîne de profits qui engendre misère et sous développement et correspond chez nous à des délocalisations.

    J’interroge avec gravité les trotskistes de toutes obédiences, de la LCR à la Riposte et sur vous qui vous prétendes socialistes sur vos analyses:

    Pourquoi avez vous entrepris avec quelque chose qui ressemble à de la haine de dénoncer l’exploitation salariale en Chine sans montrer le fondement, le sous développement colonial, pourquoi le faites vous d’une manière totalement partisane? Premièrement vous mettez toujours en cause le gouvernement chinois et jamais les multinationales occidentales qui sont pourtant à l’origine du phénomène. Deuxièmement, vous ne mettez jamais en cause un pays comme l’Inde, sans doute à cause des alliances étasuniennes de ce pays. Enfin toujours dans votre haine du parti communiste chinois, vous ne soulignez jamais les efforts qui sont faits actuellement en Chine pour imposer aux entreprises étrangères syndicats et conditions de travail plus décentes. On mesure bien à travers ces exemples qui les trotskistes critiquent, le pays que désigne l’impérialisme en laissant tranquille multinationales et pays soumis à l’occident. Vous vous êtes déjà conduits comme cela avec Cuba, dans quel camp exactement êtes vous ? Quand tout cela aboutit à la LCR soutenant la propagande de Robert menard on peut s’interroger sur ce que cherche cette pseudo extrême-gauche ? Mais voyons plutôt les agissements de IKEA.
    Danielle Bleitrach

    Continuer la lecture ‘« Les femmes dans les usines de IKEA en Asie travaillent entre 80 et 90 heures par semaine et ne reçoivent pas un salaire qui leur permet de vivre dignement »’

    J'aime

  2. lucien Says:

    On comprend mieux votre commentaire en suivant le lien vers le blog: c’est un copié-collé rapide, pas un commentaire sérieux au dossier. Et pourquoi parler ici de l’Inde? Est-ce en Inde un capitalisme d’État qui prétend être communiste? On a envie de vous retourner la question: dans quel camp exactement êtes vous ? Dans celui des travailleurs pour un socialisme authentique ou dans tout ce qui n’est pas américain? Le capitalisme d’État serait donc la seule alternative au capitalisme impérialiste? La bureaucratie une meilleure classe exploiteuse que la bourgeoisie? Et pourquoi « meilleure »?

    J'aime

  3. sb Says:

    Remembering  the  Tiananmen Democrats (1989-2009) [*], by Paresh Chattopadhyay

    This year marks the twentieth anniversary of the great movement of the Chinese students centred on Beijing’s Tiananmen square and the bloody suppression of this non-violent, democratic  movement  by the Chinese state power.
    Between the first-‘May Fourth’- movement, 1919 till the last-‘Democracy Movement’ of 1989, there had been  several popular movements in China with mass participation of and often leadership by the students- the most important  being the 1976-‘April Fifth’-Movement at the funeral of Zhou Enlai ,1978‘Xidan Democracy Wall Movement during  which the big character posters appeared often criticising public officials and public policies ,student demonstrations in the winter of 1986-87 , and finally, the ‘Democracy Movement’ in 1889, starting on April 16, on the occasion of the death of the former general secretary of the communist party of China,Hu Yaobang ,when the students and teachers of the various Beijing universities began putting up posters in memory of Hu Yaobang ,and ending with its bloody suppression on june 3-4.
    During the 1986-87 Movement demands were made by the students for better conditions for them, and for the country as a whole, democracy and freedom, honest elections,freedom of press,price controls and solidarity with student protesters across the country. The party accused the students of ‘raising the red flag to attack the red flag’ and the student movement as that of ‘bourgeois liberalisation’ which must be opposed.Those who from within the party sympathised with the movement-like the physicist Fang Lizhi-were expelled from the party.  The general secretary of the party, Hu Yaobang had to give up his post for his positive attitude to the  movement. Historically the majority of the Chinese intellectuals have submitted to the state,but the circumstances have evolved to a point where they were placed in opposition to the old men standing guard over the monopoly of power which they called ‘socialism’.When Hu died on April 15,1989,the commemorative activities ignited the prairie fire of student revolt.This ex-general secretary was one of the very,very few who was open to the students’ demand for democracy and liberty. A student activist later observed: “The mood was that something ought to be done in the year marking the seventieth annivrsary of the May Fourth Movement, the bicentennial of the great French Revolution  and the fortieth anniversary of the foundation of the People’s Republic of China.”
    The four modernisations-those of agriculture ,industry ,science and tchnology ,and defence-initiated by Zhou Enlai and adopted by Deng Xiaoping had initially considerable support both inside and outside the Party as an alternative to the years of deprivation of the Cultural Revolution period(1966-1976) Secondly, as economic reforms required relative independnce of the scientists and artists , they were freeer than during the Cultural Revolution years. (It should be noted in passing that the Maoist rhetoric particularly during the days of the Cultural Revolution sounded libertarian and many socialists and sympathisers of socialism around the world accepted it uncritically, genuinely believing that Mao was successfully building a self-managed socialist society). However, the Party’s hierarchical and oppressive rules continued.Exactly as it had happened in other ‘socialist’ lands since 1917,state machinery,the army,trade unions and other mass organisations continured to be subjected to the Party’s absolute rule and the (in)famous principle of ‘democratic centralism’-individual obeying the organisation, minority obeying the majority,the subordinate obeying the superior and the whole Party obeying the Central Committee-continued to prevail. As regards the economy ,the coexistence of market and the bureaucratic economy created a system of dual pricing-free market prices and the prices set by the state.This differential price system enabled the bureaucrats with power and influence to make substantial profit by simply diverting the state resources to the free market.Such activities accentuated the already existing shortages and inflation.Price increases adversely  affected particularly the urban population which demanded higher wages accentuating further the ongoing inflationary process. The !989 Democracy Movement of the students thus erupted within this context of rampant inflation ,official profiteering and authoritarian  Party rule. The most remarkable factor was the official corruption and bureaucratic privilege that had been a constant  characteristic of the ‘socialist’ regime for many many years.An important aspect of this process  was the use of public funds for practising nepotism as a means of establishing a de facto system of inheritance. As the economy opened up in 1980s new opportunities arose for these people.
    Many bureaucrats and their families were involved in business and trading using their power and influence for personal profit..But they could not be touched.On the other hand ,they put people in prison without trial and the torture of prisoners was endemic. Controlling the media allowed the authorities to suppress the truth and generate false impressions ,denying criticisms and preventing those in opposition.
    Although freedom of speech is proclaimed in the Chinese Constitution it was clearly being violated. A participant of the Movement held that the suppression of the opposite voices was based on the logic:‘ Truth equals the world view of the proletariat ,which equals Marxism ,which equals world view of the CCP, which equals proclamations of the Party Organs, which equals views of the Party Leadership’ , and then cited Marx: ‘freedom of speech ,association ,assembly is like soil ,air  and space’. According to the participants the Cultural Revolution and many other campaigns initiated by the CCP were clearly  violations of the constitutional norms set by the same rulers.The civil rights of more than a billion people were denied for a long time.Several million people who were in the reform movements ,Party and non-Party members ,were persecuted and/or executed. “That is the CCP’s unforgettable crime against the Chinese people”.
    On March 30 , 1979 ,Deng Xiaoping announced four “Cardinal Principles” defining four limits of opposition, “Activities against Socialism, against Proletarian Dictatorship , against the leadership of the Party ,against Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought prohibited according to law and will be prosecuted”. Following the participants of the Democracy Movement ,Chinese politics reflects  “eight-in –one” principle: “party and power as one , party and government as one ,party and legal system as one ,party and state as one ,party and armed forces as one ,party and people as one ,party and economy as one ,party and culture as one”. Theoretically all power belongs to the people and their representatives in the National People’s Congress sine October 1,1949. But the political programme of the CCP is not supported by a nation-wide general election ,nor is the party’s will produced by the NPC. As a participant put it , “the fundamental shortcoming  of all socialist countries is a political system that replaces people with bureaucrats as masters of
    society. The leader enjoys life long tenure of office with enough power even to appoint his own successor. Such a practice runs counter to the principles of  republic and carries rather the characteristics of a monarchy. That is why socialist countries are republics in name only , and monarchies in reality. China’s socialism has been a feudalistic socialism which is the socialism of the Stalinist model. Stalin was a typical tyrant whose regime was a socialist monarchy , and that of Mao Zedong was  of the same kind.”  The particpant  asserted “ I believe in communist blueprint  outlined by Marx”. The dissident physicist Fang Lizhi (expelled from the Party for his sympathy with the Democracy Movement) observed : “Cultural Revolution  movement was initiated by the leadership at the top downwards . From the first big character poster CR was a manipulation of the masses by the leaders. CR was a movement in which  leaders hoodwinked the masses. (In contrast) the Student Movement this time is a spontaneous one that grounds itself in the independent judgment of a large number of people.The Movement moves upwards from the base , urging leaders to change and make reforms.”.
    The participants of the Democratic Movement fought magnificently and completely non-violently for fifty days. . “As a dynamic and peaceful movement it was unprecedented in Chinese history”,said Su Shaozhi ,the ex-director of the Institute of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought of the Chinese Academy of Sciences ,dismissed during the ‘anti-bourgeois Liberalization’ campaign in 1987. Tens of thousands stayed on in Beijing to carry on prolonged demonstations ,hunger strike and sit-in. They considered their Movement as an anti-patriarchal , anti-feudal and anti-authoritarian pro-socialist struggle. In course of the movement there appeared the demands “ Overthrow the Autocracy” , “Down with Dictatorship”. The New China News Agency reported that people were shouting “Down with the Communist Party”.Slogans like “ Long live Democracy, Human Rights , and Freedom” became loud and frequent. The Internationale was sung repeatedly with new meaning and significance. ( This reminds one of  the famous 1921 slogan of the Kronstadt sailors and toilers, “ all power to the Soviets and not to Parties” when they  became completely disillusioned with the Bolsheviks ,who ultimately massacred thousands of them on totally trumped up charges). Finally , “the so-called People’s Liberation Army suppressed the students’ and citizens’ completely peaceful Democratic Movement with armed force , with a massacre followed by mass arrests and executions producing shocked criticisms around the world” (Su Shaozhi).
    This ultimate act of the Chinese rulers , however . did not shock every body in India,certainly not  everybody on the Left. Not to speak of the CPM members ,we know also independent Marxists outside the Party who were not at all unhappy at this spectacle and even justified it  on the ground that the participants in the Democracy Movement in their opposition to Chinese ‘socialism’ with their demand for democracy and individual liberty were at least inspired by ‘American imperialism’. On the other hand ,however shocking , this event should not surprise any one who has even a moderate knowledge of ‘socialism’ in power in the twentieth century. Socialism, Chinese style ,has been well within world ‘socialist’ tradition inaugurated by  the Bolshevik regime starting in 1917 mutatis mutandis. Victor Serge ,Leninist till the end and a member of the executive committee of the Comintern –who was saved from execution or at least perpetual internment in a labour camp by the direct intervention of Romain Rolland with Stalin—wrote in his Memoires two decades after October,1917: “ The Russian Marxism , formed at the school of despotism ,did not dare to show itself as libertarians or , rather ,it did so only for a very short period of soviet democracy from October 1917 to  the summer of 1918. Afterwards it resolutely placed itself on the road of the old authoritarianism and,soon ,totalitarian statism.It lacked the spirit of freedom. The fear of freedom , which is really the fear of the masses , characterizes almost the whole development of the Russian Revolution The only problem that the revolutionary Russia of 1917-1923 could not pose is that of freedom, the only declaration which it was necessary to make and which it did not make is that of human rights”. Speaking particularly of the Stalin period Serge  observed: “ The soviet secret police ‘Tcheka’ judged the accused without hearing or seeing them , that is ,without giving the accusd any possibility of self-defence , pronounced their arrest in secret and proceeded to their execution in the same way. The ultimate consequence was the extermination of a whole generation of Bolshevik revolutionaries.”

    [*] We have liberally drawn on the excellent book(of collection of documents):
    Voices from Tiananmen Square edited by Mok Chiu andJ.Frank Harrison(1990)

    J'aime

  4. Luttes de classes dans la Chine des réformes (1978-2009) « La Bataille socialiste Says:

    […] de la situation sociale actuelle en Chine, telle qu’elle résulte de trente ans de réformes. Il examine d’abord chaque classe en […]

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  5. Les « incidents de masse » dans la Chine contemporaine « La Bataille socialiste Says:

    […] texte emprunte des extraits de numéros de la revue Échanges de Henri Simon consacré à la Chine et surtout des passage du livre de Bruno Astarian, Luttes de classes dans la Chine des réformes, […]

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  6. Nesferce-online Says:

    Aprendi mucho

    J'aime

  7. Hai Whispell Says:

    Some really excellent information, Glad I observed this.

    J'aime

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